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  • August 12, 2012


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  • August 10, 2012

    National Catholic Reporter

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    There are essentially three wars being fought in Syria right now. There is a war between the armed opposition, some of which, but not all of which, is being supported by the original democratic, nonviolent opposition in Syria against a repressive regime.

  • August 9, 2012


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    RT: The Red Cross and other experts are saying the situation in Syria has descended into full-scale civil war. How does that affect the positions of the US, the positions of the West versus the position of other countries?

    Phyllis Bennis: So far we have seen no indication that either the US or any of the outside actors are taking seriously the consequences of the determination by the International Committee of the Red Cross that it is a full-scale civil war. What it means, among other things, is that the international laws of war what’s known as international humanitarian law applied throughout the region and it applies to the opposition as well as to the regime. They are obligated under the conditions of international law not to use certain kinds of weapons, not to attack civilians, not to hold prisoners without some kind of process. All of those things are part of international humanitarian law and we have seen no evidence yet that any of the outside actors are taking any of that seriously. 

  • July 25, 2012

    The Los Angeles Times

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    "Putting this all on Al Qaeda as if it’s separate from the legacy of what the U.S. left behind in Iraq is a big mistake," said Phyllis Bennis, a fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies.

  • July 23, 2012

    The Los Angeles Times

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    The idea that the U.S. should have stayed in Iraq longer remains hotly disputed. Far from preventing such attacks by keeping troops in place, the U.S. actually planted the seeds of sectarianism during the war, said Phyllis Bennis, a fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies.  

    "This would have happened if the U.S. pulled out earlier or in another 10 years," Bennis said. "What we left behind in Iraq was raw sectarian identity that is playing out in absolutely brutal ways."

  • June 27, 2012

    The New York Times

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    Nathan Thrall raises crucial issues about the failures of the "peace process." But he does not mention two critical points.

  • June 25, 2012

    The Washington Post features blog “Celebration and Relief in Egypt”

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    The loudest chant in Tahrir Square remains "Down, down with military rule!" Many protesters in the Square have already announced their intention to remain in Tahrir once again, reprising the 18 days of the spring uprising, until the SCAF has transferred real power to the elected civilian government. Until that happens, the status of Egypt's revolutionary transformation remains precarious, active, and unfinished. It is a reminder that no part of the Arab Spring is yet a finished revolution. These are revolutionary processes, still contested and still in formation. Revolutionary times, indeed.

  • June 21, 2012

    Russia Today TV

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    Severe punishment for those responsible for Koran-burning and any equally outrageous episode is not the main question, says Phyllis Bennis, a director of the New Internationalism project at the Institute for Policy Studies. She believes the key problem is the continuation of an "illegal war" in Afghanistan, and the degree to which the number of all kinds of violations and atrocities has grown.

    “Of course these troops that are responsible for these outrages should be held accountable and there should be severe punishment,” she added. “There should be severe punishment right up the chain of command, to those who have put them in those situations and set up the scenarios that have led to these actions.”

  • June 18, 2012

    Pekin Times

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    Such companies are "built to loot," as Chuck Collins of the Institute for Policy Studies says.

  • June 13, 2012

    The Christian Science Monitor

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    Phyllis Bennis, author of "Calling the Shots, How Washington Dominates the UN," says the challenge with peacekeeping troops is the same problem that exists between the Security Council and the General Assembly – a contradiction between power and democracy. "The UN has no authority over those perpetrators," says Ms. Bennis, who works at the Institute for Policy Studies, a think tank in Washington, D.C. "You can ask the leadership to bring that person home and hope they are taken to trial, but there’s no way to enforce that."

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